Vandals, Suebes and Alans in Vandalic North-Africa
Archaeologically it is not easy to find evidence of the Vandals, because they very rapidly adapted to their Roman surroundings. Furthermore there is no sign of “vandalism”. Indeed, the coming of the Vandals appears barely to have affected the continuity of daily life. In terms of urban development, there is a decline in certain districts, but this seems to have been due not so much to the Vandals as to the transformation of a Roman city into a medieval town dominated by churches and defences. Archaeological research has provided evidence of continuity and new development, as for instance at Carthage. In rural areas, pre-Vandal churches were enlarged, for example at Henchir-el-Gousset. Here an inscription in an extension mentions king Thrasamund (496–523). New analyses of famous mosaics, which where considered “classical in style and iconography” and for which the year of the Vandal invasion was considered the terminus ante quem (last possible date), now plausibly suggest that these were produced during the Vandal kingdom in Africa . Only in religious matters do the written records show a difference between Vandals and the Roman population. Both were Christians, but the Vandals followed the Arian doctrine (denying Christ’s divinity) while the Romans were Catholics. In certain cases is possible to recognize Vandal, Alan and Suev immigrants by their graves. Some bear inscriptions with Germanic names, so the foreign origin of the deceased is certain. Furthermore there are graves with rich grave goods, dating to the first and maybe the second Vandal generation (up until ca. 480). The custom of including grave goods, rich in quantity and quality, was unusual for the local Roman population. Above all, the costume of the dead shows links to the Middle Danube, even if the actual ornaments were produced in Mediterranean workshops. The adaptation to Roman customs is clearly recognizable in the form of the graves. All burials attributed to Vandals were in Roman-style sarcophagi or brick vaults. The rarity of Vandal graves in North Africa is also due to the fact that only the burials of the upper strata of society are known. Their social position is attested not only by the grave goods but also by the location of their graves within churches and by the epitaphs and funerary mosaics. The people and the elite no longer buried their dead in communal cemeteries. Lower-ranking Vandals will probably remain ‘archaeologically invisible’ because like the Roman population they buried their dead without grave goods. There are two alternative explanations why such rich graves appear only during a very short period of the Vandal kingdom. If the rich grave goods are regarded as a conservative feature, linked to customs of the Roman Empire and the Migration Period, the reason for the decline of the rich graves will be the progressive acculturation of the immigrants to their Late-Roman environment. But these graves of the upper class – and this they are without any doubt – can also be seen as a completely new phenomenon. The location of the graves within Christian sacral buildings demonstrates the high position of the deceased within their society. But the rich grave goods and the burial customs may have served to emphasise people’s position within the Vandal-Alan-Suev coalition. After the landing in Africa – described by the historians as the seminal event in the ethnogenesis of the Vandals – the claims of individual families within the immigrant community would have had to be enforced. To underline one’s ancient family traditions definitely was a means to this end. The epitaph of Ermengon in the Great Basilica at Hippo Regius is to be read in this context, because it explicitly mentions her Suev origin. Presumably the rich graves containing Vandal ladies buried in traditional costume show something similar. It is the habitus Vandalorum (Vandal costume), referred to in the writings of Victor Vitensis (II,8.9), which was characteristic of the ruling Vandal elite. In the following generation, this kind of profiling was no longer necessary. Instead of rich grave goods, mosaics and epitaphs now had to provide appropriate memorials. The use of writing in itself would show that the deceased belonged to the cultured upper class.
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